Year 2000 No. 48, March 15, 2000

Breaking with the De-Politicisation of the Working Class

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Breaking with the De-Politicisation of the Working Class

News In Brief:
BP Amoco to Take Over Burmah Castrol

CILRECO’s Presidency Meeting

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Breaking with the De-Politicisation of the Working Class

The most vital strategic objective of the modern communist party is how to bring the working class to power. The work goes on on many fronts but what connects all these fronts is this strategic aim. It is by no means an aim in itself, but it is because the working class holds the solutions to the deepening crisis of capitalist society, that the working class must take up its independent role. In theoretical terms, the working class must rise itself to the leading class of the nation because its emancipation is inseparably connected with the emancipation of all humanity, it stands at the head of all the exploited. In political terms, it rallies all sections of the masses of the people around its independent programme which is necessary for opening up the line of march, for the working class to occupy the space for change. It is the only class which is interested through and through in solving the question of democracy, of vesting sovereignty in the people so that they can become the decision-makers in society and decide its course.

It is the communist party’s responsibility, as the advanced section of the working class, to be the instrument of providing it with consciousness and organisation. This, in short, means that it has the responsibility of breaking with the de-politicisation of the working class. This is the focus of the Party’s work, and it is taking up this focus in an all-sided political, ideological, theoretical and practical way. When we say that the quality of a modern communist party is one of settling scores with the old philosophic conscience, in a nutshell this means sticking to the plan of politicising the working class so that it advances to occupy the space for change, and step by step the subjective conditions for revolution are created.

The old conscience of the society is one not only that the working class is stuck with, but is blocking the advance of this plan to the extent that the bourgeoisie has created the ideological pressure that everything else is acceptable as long as this plan is not taken up.

The Millennium Project of RCPB(ML) which it has adopted at the commencement of the 21st century and the implementation of which it is in the course of working out, has this as its aim – that the depoliticisation of the working class and people must be broken with. This is inseparably connected with the question, what kind of Party? In other words, it is an indispensable project also for consolidating the RCPB(ML) as a modern communist party, and transforming it into a mass communist party, that is the task of this period. This is an issue that concerns all the progressive and democratic forces, class conscious workers, including all those who aspire to the creation of a new, modern society and for political renewal, as well as the communists themselves.

In other words, the Party must become this instrument for the politicisation of the working class and all members of the polity, that they participate in political affairs, which means fighting for the interests of their class, for the right to governance. Political parties of the old type in today’s circumstances have become instruments of administering the old bourgeois state, of capitalism, and depoliticising the working class and the masses, so that they are kept away from political affairs and class struggle. Class struggle inevitably breaks out, but these political parties do their utmost to sow the illusions that if everyone took their place within the status quo, and leave political affairs to those elected to parliament, things will be sorted out. This, far from sorting things out, is taking society back to medievalist arrangements and deepening the crisis.

By taking up its Millennium Project, the Party is dedicating itself to the nation-building project of the working class, which itself has the aim of vesting sovereignty in the people and beginning to put an end to class society itself with the establishment of a socialist Britain.

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NEWS IN BRIEF

BP Amoco to Take Over Burmah Castrol

It has been announced that the world’s second largest oil monopoly BP Amoco, has agreed to buy Burmah Castrol for £3 billion. Burmah Castrol itself had a turnover of £3 billion in 1999 and operating profits of £284 million. It employs 18,000 workers in 55 countries. BP Amoco said that the takeover would lead to cost savings of £160 million a year by 2003 and job losses worldwide of 1,700, but would give the monopoly millions of new customers and access to emerging new world markets. The recently merged BP Amoco has over 80,000 employees worldwide and in 1999 had a revenue of £63 billion. The proposed takeover is taking place a little over a month since BP Amoco was blocked from trying to takeover US oil monopoly Arco. Burmah Castrol shares immediately jumped 330p to £15.75 but analysts expect that the proposed deal may yet fall foul of the European Commission’s anti-trust rules.

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CILRECO’s Presidency Meeting

Article from the Bulletin of The International Liaison Committee for Reunification and Peace in Korea (CILRECO) on its Presidency meeting, held in Paris on February 5, 2000, which launched an appeal to the international community in favour of the respect of the sovereignty of the Korean nation, the withdrawal of all the American troops from South Korea, and the peaceful reunification of Korea, a factor of international security and peace. The first part of the article appeared in yesterday’s issue of WDIE:

Secretary General of CILRECO, M. Guy DUPRE (France) presented an introductory report preceding debate, outlining, from its preamble, motivations and objectives of the organisation leading the international movement of solidarity with the Korean people:

"During our persevering struggle, with the help of all those who value the sovereignty and independence of the people, international justice and peace, how many times have we evoked the perspective of a new century, hoping that the Korean people will enter it as a unified country, eliminating at the same time one of the potentially most dangerous war zones in the world.

"Unfortunately, the beginning of this new millennium will mark the 50th anniversary of the outset of the fierce Korean war and its aftermath – a cease-fire that has lasted for 47 years in the Korean peninsula, and has served as an excuse to the United States to maintain 40,000 soldiers in South Korea."

He analysed different events that took place in the Korean peninsula in 1999, in order to define their prevailing characteristics:

- the United States continues to apply their "power policy" on the D.P.R.K., striving to strangle it economically, to provoke it on the military level and isolate it internationally, and, finally, to eliminate its socialist government,

- the South Korean authorities continue with their dependency policy towards the United States, most of all when it concerns the question of the reunification of the country, resulting, in a repressive confrontation policy towards the North and continuing measures against the South Korean democratic forces working in favour of the reunification of the country,

- Finally, the D.P.R.K. continues to defend its independence and its sovereignty, resolutely opposing the United States, and advocating peaceful reunification of the country, based on the proposal put forward by the late lamented President KIM IL SUNG, and clarified by the General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea, KIM JONG IL.

He illustrated this assessment citing numerous examples of the events that marked the year 1999 in the Korean peninsula:

"Various aggressive military exercises have continued all along, disguised under names other than Team Spirit, within the framework of the military co-operation between the United States, South Korea and Japan, getting ever stronger, and pointing, at the D.P.R.K. as the ‘potential enemy’ number one. At the same time, campaigns attempting to isolate the D.P.R.K. on the international level, to justify the presence of American troops in South Korea and the economic sanctions and blockade imposed by the United States on socialist Korea and to pave the way for a possible military intervention, intensified."

The remainder of the report, however, counterbalanced more or less this relatively pessimistic analysis as M. Guy DUPRE declared:

"Detailed evaluation of all these events shows that, paradoxically, many things have changed in Korea, proving that the reactionary warmongering American forces are finding it harder and harder to carry out their plan to eliminate the D.P.R.K. and keep the country divided, or to reunite it "the German way". The fact that numerous negotiations and accords have been concluded thanks to the D.P.R.K.'s resoluteness, that resulted in failure of all American attempts to impose their diktat, testify to it, and so does the fact that socialist Korea is breaching the wall of isolation that the United States has been building for years.

"There are many examples of this failure. Italy's recent recognition of the D.P.R.K., based, as its Minister of Foreign Affairs pointed out, on ‘mutual respect, sovereignty and equality’, is one of them. Other examples are the declaration recently adopted by the delegation of the Japanese political parties, on a visit to the D.P.R.K., and led by M. Tomichi MURAYAMA, former Prime Minister, and the Workers’ Party of Korea, concerning the improvement in bilateral relations and the resumption of negotiations between their respective governments, and positive relations existing between the D.P.R.K. and the European Community."

The report later examined the situation in South Korea, essentially marked by the extent of the economic crisis and its consequences for the local population, further worsened by the requirements of the IMF, and the present regime's attitude towards the crucial question of reunification :

"KIM DAE JUNG, in accordance with American wishes, voices openly his anti-reunification opinion. Recently, he declared in an interview given to a Japanese newspaper, Ashai Shinbum, that reunification was a problem to be dealt with in the future and that he would leave it to his successors to solve it.

"He clarified his position using delusive arguments, such as ‘hasty reunification would not be good for either the North or the South, because this sudden reunification could create difficulties mentality-wise’ and he added that ‘the most important thing to do is to work in favour of peaceful coexistence and economic exchange’.

"This thesis is not a new one; it has been used in different forms by all the previous dictators and military racketeers of the former regimes, but always with the same goal in mind: to justify the long-lasting division of Korea, and to have it endorsed definitely by the international community.

"The argument in favour of the primordial importance of peaceful coexistence between the North and the South cannot be taken seriously, coming from the South Korean authorities, whose policy is totally in line with the American policy of tension and confrontation on the Korean peninsula.

"In fact, what KIM DAE JUNG proposes in his ‘sun policy’ regarding the D.P.R.K. is an attempt to create favourable conditions for the absorption of the North by the South, and not an effort to facilitate their peaceful and independent reunification.

"Faced with such an anti-national attitude of KIM DAE JUNG, it is reassuring to state the growing opposition of the local population, the population that has had the opportunity to judge his broken promises, to his policy.

"The movement of democratic unions is growing ever stronger, and has become a non-contested leader of the struggle of the workers to preserve their acquired rights, called into question as a result of the economic crises and the requirements of the IMF.

"The united movement of democratic forces fighting to repeal the ‘National Security Law’ and abolish other instruments of anti-democratic repression is constantly developing, as are the popular movements demanding the withdrawal of all the American troops and questioning the South Korean dependency policy towards the United States.

"Finally, as impartial observers could see, numerous South Korean democratic forces participated at the 10th Pan-National Reunification Congress, held in August 1999, despite the interdiction and repression of the South Korean authorities."

The Secretary General’s report on the D.P.R.K. tried most of all to assess the current situation resulting from a series or natural disasters that had struck the country, severely damaging its economy and provoking food shortages

"At our last reunion, we analysed objectively the serious difficulties that socialist Korea was faced with, not only as a result of the four years of natural disasters but also as a result of different measures taken by the United States (blockade, economic sanctions, threats of military aggression obliging Korea to invest enormously in self-defence, food blackmail, ... etc.) attempting to strangle it.

"We noticed, based on the information given by some honest members of humanitarian organisations, as well as many of our friends who had had the opportunity to visit the D.P.R.K., the amazing solidarity movement of the entire population and its dignity in facing such a tragedy.

"Without minimising the extent of the difficulties socialist Korea is confronted with, we refuse to ‘follow the pack’, all the more so since it is obvious that this disgraceful campaign in the media, orchestrated by the United States and the South Korean authorities, is aimed at blocking the international humanitarian aid, with a cruel desire to worsen the situation in the country and bring it down to its knees.

"We know that these last couple of years have been hard, really hard, on the Korean people, trying to rebuild their devastated country and its national economy severely handicapped by the unprecedented flooding. We do not ignore the fact that the total recovery takes a lot of work, but the results achieved so far are very promising

"These visible results of success are even more important having been achieved during a period of a permanent military and political confrontation with South Korea, and often dangerously increasing tensions in the peninsula, provoked by the United States, obliging socialist Korea to maintain and reinforce its defence.

"We rejoice with all the friends of the Korean people over the fact that the enormous difficulties that the D.P.R.K. and the Korean people have been confronted with are diminishing, and that, at the beginning of this year 2000, which will mark the 55th anniversary of its independence, socialist Korea is once again capable of advancing its reconstruction.

"We could not finish this part of the report on the D.P.R.K. without mentioning the very important role it has played regarding the reunification problem, and in particular last year, bringing together the three components of the Korean nation: from the North, the South and from abroad, allowing the reunification movement to make a big step forward."

Quite naturally, based on this detailed analysis of the situation in the Korean peninsula, the second part of the report treats the question of its reunification.

Having mentioned numerous proposals and initiatives of the D.P.R.K. to facilitate the détente and promote a sincere dialogue between the North and the South, founded on the principles of sovereignty of the nation, M. Guy DUPRE pointed out:

"Obviously, a true dialogue on these bases would have helped to encourage the unity of the Korean nation in its efforts in favour of the reunification of its country, all the more so since there is obviously within it a large consensus on the ways and means to achieve it, as was clearly shown last year at the 10th Pan-National Congress and the Grand Festival of the Reunification 1999, where CILRECO was represented by our friend M. Amar BENTOUMI, Honorary President, and Ms. Paulette PIERSON, Vice-President.

"These events were most of all marked by the strong will for national unity and the sovereignty of the Korean people, based on its immense desire for reunification, and clearly shown by the delegates of the 72 political and social organisations from the South, from the North, and from abroad.

"As Paulette PIERSON pointed out in CILRECO's bulletin, the strong presence in the D.P.R.K. of compatriots who had come from the South and from the Korean Diaspora, not only meant that the policy of the South towards the North had been rejected but went way beyond, showing that the plan for the peaceful reunification, without foreign interference and through a confederal system, proposed by the late lamented President KIM IL SUNG in 1980, was, at the very least, taken into consideration, and perhaps even adhered to.

"This event clearly showed the important progress made in relations between the organisations from the North, the South and from abroad, achieved thanks to realistic proposals and the unification initiative of the D.P.R.K.; and for the first time ever there is a real solidarity of the three components of the Korean nation, working together in favour of the reunification of the country.

"Reinforcing that alliance could be a decisive factor that could make the year 2000 a turning point in our struggle for the reunification of the Korean nation, all the more so since it disposes already of a credible project that could lead to it.

"As you all know, the project in question is the ‘Three Point Charter’, based on the historic proposal put forward by the late lamented President KIM IL SUNG, i.e. ‘the three principles of reunification’, already agreed upon by the North and the South, the reunification through a confederal system, clarified in The project for the creation of the Democratic Confederal Republic of Koryo, and The ten point programme for Great National Unity.

"There is an ever-growing interest and support for this ‘Three Point Charter’, as a result of its equitable and realistic concept, and the unification demonstrations in the D.P.R.K., organised last August, as well as the intensification of the movement in favour of the reunification on these bases in South Korea attest to it. While hoping that this movement of support will continue to spread throughout the Korean nation, we can also contribute to it by making the project of the confederal reunification even better known, so that it is endorsed by the international community.

"Our support for this serious reunification project, largely accepted by the Korean nation, remains one of the essential aspects of our solidarity movement with the Korean people. It is an integral part of our action platform for the year 2000, in favour of the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea, along with our action for the withdrawal of the American troops from South Korea, our support for the democratisation of the South Korean society and our struggle to establish a long-lasting peace in Korea."

This introduction, preceding debate on the issues, ended with the assessment of CILRECO's activities of last year and proposals for the year 2000, that would make it "a turning point on the road to the reunification of Korea".

A rich discussion ensued, allowing an extensive debate, open and informal, marked notably by the exchange of views with the leader of the delegation of the Korean Committee of Solidarity with the People of the World, whose honest and precise answers, regarding the situation in his country and his government's reunification policy, were highly appreciated.

This collective exchange of thoughts among the leaders of the solidarity movement showed how much each and every one of them cared about contributing, in his own way, to a definition of a dynamic action programme for the year 2000, in order to support more efficiently the cause of the Korean nation, convinced that it was also the cause of a peaceful and just world.

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